Implying Northern Ireland is a colony is incredibly dangerous rhetoric, usually restricted to the ethno-fascist fringes of republicanism.
— Newton Emerson (@NewtonEmerson) March 20, 2014
@ChristopherOCon @AlexKane221b If every transfer of population in the past 500 years makes a place a colony, almost every place is a colony
— Newton Emerson (@NewtonEmerson) March 20, 2014
'Colonists' get de-colonised. That's clearly still the dream for some.
— Newton Emerson (@NewtonEmerson) March 20, 2014
As I said:
""[Britain]" is not in Ireland. There is no occupation. This language of "England Out" and British occupation is incredibly dehumanising. There are people, like me, who wish to remain in the Union with great Britain. As John McCallister said: "I am no settler. No colonist." I am one of 800,000 citizens who want "England [in]". This language is tremendously dehumanising. This the sort of debasing language which allowed the IRA to murder innocent civilians and serving officers. As Tom
Hartley, Sinn Féin strategist, said:
"In a way we made them [Unionists] a non-people... We didn't even see them as part of the problem, never mind as being part of the solution."
You can't just say Brits-Out. What does a United Ireland actually look like? Do people realise that health care is free in Northern Ireland but not-free in the Republic? As Alan Hynes said:
"Surely [Irish republicanism] should mean more than 'Brits Out'?"
As Garrett Fitzgerald said:
"You cannot bomb a million Protestants into a united Ireland."
Bombing protestants is incredibly counter-productive and makes unification impossible. As Orange Order member Brian Kennaway said:
"[IRA violence] knocked the Irish heart out of Ulster Protestants."
As David McCann said:
"The horrors of the IRA drove Protestants away from a cultural identification with Irishness."
"England" is in Ireland by way of democracy. But let's make a correction first. Those people of "England" aren't English, they're Irish people who happen to consent to remaining in a Union with Great Britain. A link with London. As was made law by the Government of Ireland Act 1920, "Ulster should remain out until she chose of her own free will to enter an All-Ireland parliament."
The Ulster Covenant was signed by 237,368 men and by 234,046 women. Irish men and women who wanted to remain British came together in a huge mass movement pledging their determination to uphold Ireland's Union with Great Britain.
The Irish Proclamation of Independence was signed by 7 men and threw "a mental cordon sanitaire around Unionism." There was no mandate for the violence then or ever.
In an age of intense religiosity and divergent economic ideology, partition was a means to protect minority interests. To protect unionists from a perceptable authoritarianism. The authoritarianism of Irish nationalists who made a "general will" the unalterable national destiny of Ireland. As Fintan O'Toole said:
"The idea of Ireland as a single, sovereign entity that is sacred and therefore not to be argued with lies behind an authoritarian streak in Irish politics. Here, the “general will” becomes the “national interest” – a concept that always happens to coincide with the specific interests of a ruling party and/or of a powerful section of society."
Americans of all people should be alert to the terror of majoritarianism and the need to safeguard minorities. Democracy decided that "England" should remain in Ireland until the "English" chose of their own free will to enter an All-Ireland parliament.
Following the 1910 election the leader of the the Irish Parliamentary Party, John Redmond,agreed in 1914 that an amendment should be made to the Irish Home Rule law that six counties of Ulster should remain under London administration for a trial period of six years, of for a time to be finally agreed. This was conceded by Redmond as a compromise to Ulster Unionists and to avoid civil war.
The 1918 election shows a clear split. An island divided on the question of Ireland's future. Sinn Fein wanted a closed, rural agrarian, Catholic Ireland. Irish Unionists wanted an open, industrial, Protestant ethos, global Ireland.
De Valera's Ireland was Bishop John Charles McQuaid'sIreland. Not only did Irish nationalists want self-determination, they wanted homogenous self-determination. Ireland was a Catholic State. Just as Northern Ireland failed the petitions of Carson and became a Protestant State. As James Craig, the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, said:
The languag of "colony" is supremacist and authoritarian. As Fintan O'Toole said of Irish authoritarianism:"The honourable Member must remember that in the South they boasted of a Catholic State. They still boast of Southern Ireland being a Catholic State. All I boast of is that we are a Protestant Parliament and a Protestant State."
"The idea of Ireland as a single, sovereign entity that is sacred and therefore not to be argued with lies behind an authoritarian streak in Irish politics."As I've said, Republicans would have you believe that Ireland was a single, settled and homogenous group of peoples. History would tell us that it was a disparate, unsettled and heterogenous group of warring tribes.
No comments:
Post a Comment